Phosphatides and Phosphagens

The important phosphorus compounds in organisms are much more complex than the simple salts, to which Nietzsche attributed such influence on man’s character. Long before he wrote, it was known that phosphoric acid combines not only with inorganic bases to form salts, but with alcohols to form esters. In the middle of the 19th century, Théophile Juste Pelouze (1807-1867) extended this knowledge to an ester of glycerol. This proved to be significant in several respects. Glycerol had been shown by Michel Chevreul (1786-1889) as the substance in fats that is released in the process of soap boiling, when the fatty acids are converted into their salts. That it has the nature of an alcohol had been demonstrated by Marcellin Berthelot. Instead of one “alcoholic” hydroxyl group, OH, like ethanol (the alcohol of fermentation), or two hydroxyl groups (like ethylene glycol), glycerol contains three such groups. It was the only “natural” alcohol known at that time. That this alcohol would combine with phosphoric acid could be predicted, but that the ester, as obtained by Pelouze, still contained free acidic functions and formed a water-soluble barium salt was a new experience.
[Pg 190]
Alcoholic Fermentation
Figure 13.—Survey of alcoholic fermentation, 1951. The “well-known scheme of alcoholic fermentation” according to Albert Jan Kluyver (1888-1956), presented before the Society of Chemical Industry in the Royal Institution, March 7, 1951. In Chemistry & Industry, 1952, page 136 ff., Kluyver restates that “... the fermentation of one molecule of glucose is indissolubly connected with the formation of two molecules of adenosine triphosphate (ATP) out of two molecules of adenosine diphosphate (ADP).”
[Pg 191] Shortly after this experience had been gained, it became valuable for understanding the chemical nature of a new substance extracted from a natural organ. This substance was named lecithin by its discoverer, Nicolas Théodore Gobley[27] (1811-1876), because he obtained it from egg yolk (in Greek, lékidos). He used ether and alcohol for this extraction. Had he used water and mineral acid instead, he would not have found lecithin, but only its components. As Gobley and, slightly later, Oscar Liebreich (1839-1908), subjected lecithin to treatment with boiling water and acid, they separated it into three parts. One of them was the glycerophosphoric acid of Pelouze, the second was the well-known stearic acid of Chevreul, but the third was somewhat mysterious. This third substance was the same as one previously noticed when nerves had been subjected to an extraction by boiling water and acid and, therefore, called nerve-substance or neurine. Adolf Friedrich Strecker (1822-1871) established the identity of this neurine with a product he had extracted from bile and which went under the name of choline. Adolphe Wurtz (1817-1884) succeeded in synthesizing this substance from ethylene oxide, CH2.O.CH2 and trimethylamine N(CH3)3.[28] Thus, all three parts were identified, and Strecker put them together to construct a chemical formula for lecithin, glycerophosphoric acid combined with a fatty acid and with choline (a hydrate of neurine).

{OH} 
N (CH3)3 Choline
C2H4O
 
C18H33O2}HO}


PO
C16H31O2C3H5O
Fatty Acids
Glycerophosphate
'—————v————'
Lecithin
according to Strecker
This formula was not quite correct. Richard Willstätter showed that an internal neutralization takes place between the amino group and the free acidic residue. This is expressed in his lecithin formula of 1918.
Lecithin (1918)
Lecithin (1918)
When the aim was to distill elementary phosphorus out of an organic material, it did not matter whether this was fresh or putrified. For obtaining lecithin out of egg yolk and similar materials, it was essential to use it in fresh condition. Otherwise, enzymes would have decomposed it. Through more recent work, four enzymes have been separated, which act specifically in decomposing lecithin. Enzyme A removes one fatty acid and leaves a complex residue, called lysolecithin, intact. Enzyme B attacks this residue and splits off the remaining fatty acid group from it, enzyme C liberates only the choline from lecithin, and enzyme D opens lecithin at the ester bond between glycerol and phosphoric acid. This is shown in the following diagram.
Enzymatic Splitting of Lecithins
EnzymeSubstrateProducts
ALecithinLysolecithin and fatty acids.
BLysolecithinGlycero-phospho-choline and fatty acids.
CLecithinPhosphatidic acid and choline.
DLecithinPhosphoryl choline and diglyceride.
Several fatty acids can be present in lecithin from various sources: palmitic and oleic acid, besides the stearic acid which at first had been thought the only one involved. In another group of extracts from brain or nerve tissue, amino-ethanol H2NCH2CH2OH is found instead of the choline of lecithin. The variations include the alcohol, to which the fatty acids and choline phosphate are attached, for example, glycerol can be replaced by the so-called meat-sugar, inositol, which has six hydroxyl groups in its hexagon-shaped molecule [Pg 192]C6H6(OH)6.
Figure 14.
Figure 14.—Eduard Buchner (1860-1917) received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his discovery of cell-free fermentation, the first step in finding the role of phosphate in fermentations (1907).
The generally similar behavior of these phosphate-and fat-containing substances was emphasized by Ludwig Thudichum (1829-1901). He coined the name phosphatides for this group of substances from seeds and nerves.[29] His work on the phosphates in brain substance aroused particular interest. When William Crookes drew his highly imaginative picture of an “evolution” of the chemical elements, he put into it “phosphorus for the brain, salt for the sea, clay for the solid earth....”[30] But phosphatides occur in many places of organisms, in bacteria, in leaves and roots of plants, in fat and tissues of animals. And where phosphatides are found, there are also enzymes that specifically act on them. They are called phosphatases to imply that they split the phosphatides. In addition, enzymes are present, which transfer phosphate groups from one compound to another. They are more abundant in seeds of high fat content than in the more starch-containing seeds, but even potatoes and orange juice have phosphatases.[31]
Thus, from phosphatides, phosphoric acid is generated, and they could also be called phosphagens. Since 1926, however, the name phosphagens has been reserved for a group of organic substances that release their phosphoric acid very readily. The link between phosphorus and carbon is provided by oxygen in the phosphatides, by nitrogen in the phosphagens. In vertebrates, the basis for the phosphoric acid is creatine, whereas invertebrates have arginine instead.
Creatine Phosphate Creatine Phosphate
Arginine Phosphate Arginine phosphate

Nuclein and Nucleic Acids

All parts of an organism are essential for life. Only with this in mind does it make sense to say that the most important part of the cell is its nucleus. From the nuclei of cells in pus and in salmon sperm, Johann Friedrich Miescher (1811-1887) obtained a peculiar kind of substance, which he named nuclein (1868). Its phosphate content was easily discovered, but to find the exact proportions and the nature of the other components required special methods of separation from phosphatides and other proteins. It was difficult to develop such methods at a time when little was known about the properties, and particularly[Pg 193] the stability, of a nuclein. For preparing nuclein from yeast cells, Felix Hoppe-Seyler (1825-1895) described the following details: Yeast is dispersed in water to extract soluble materials, like salts or sugars. After a few hours, the insoluble material is separated, washed once more with water, and then extracted with a very dilute solution of sodium hydroxide. The slightly alkaline solution, freed from insoluble residues, is slowly added to a weak hydrochloric acid. A precipitate forms which is separated by filtration, washed with dilute acid, then with cold alcohol, and finally extracted by boiling alcohol. The dried residue is the nuclein.[32] It contains six percent phosphorus. A little more washing with water, a slightly longer treatment with acid or alcohol gives products of lower phosphorus content. Many experimental variations were necessary to establish the procedure that leads to purification without alteration of the natural substance.
This was also true for the methods of chemical degradation, carried out in order to find the components of nucleins in their highest state of natural complexity. It was learned for example, that the special kind of carbohydrate present in nucleins was very susceptible to change under the conditions of hydrolysis by acids. Phoebus Aaron Theodor Levine (1869-1940), therefore, used the digestion by a living organism. With E. S. London, he introduced a solution of nucleic acid into, e.g., the gastrointestinal segment of a dog through a gastric fistula and withdrew the product of digestion through an intestinal fistula. Fortunately, the products obtained in such degradations were not new in themselves. The carbohydrate in this nucleic acid proved to be identical with D-ribose, which Emil Fischer had artificially made from arabinose and named ribose to indicate this relationship (1891). The nitrogenous products of the degradation were identical with substances previously prepared in the long study of uric acid. In the course of this study, Emil Fischer established uric acid and a number of its derivatives as having the elementary skeleton of what he called “pure uric acid,” abbreviated to purine. Out of Adolf Baeyer’s work on barbituric acid came the knowledge of pyrimidine and its derivatives.
Figure 15.
Figure 15.—Albrecht Kossel (1853-1927) received the Nobel Prize in Medicine and Physiology in 1910 for his work on nucleic substances, which contain a high proportion of phosphorus. The chemical bonds of this phosphorus in the molecules of nucleic substances were determined in later work. (Photo courtesy National Library of Medicine, Washington, D.C.)
From these findings, together with what Oswald Schmiedeberg (1838-1921) had established concerning the presence of four phosphate groups in the molecule (1899), Robert Feulgen (1884-1955) constructed the following scheme of a nucleic acid. Feulgen’s formula of 1918 is:
Phosphoric acid—Carbohydrate—Guanine
Phosphoric acid—Carbohydrate—Cytosine
Phosphoric acid—Carbohydrate—Thymine
Phosphoric acid—Carbohydrate—Adenine
Of the four basic components on the right, thymine occurs in the nucleic acid from the thymus gland. Yeast contains uracil instead. The difference between these two bases is one methyl group: thymine is a 5-methyluracil. In all of these basic substances, the structure of urea
      NH2
     /
    C=O
     \
      NH2
is involved, and they form pairs of oxidized and reduced states: [Pg 194]
PurinePyrimidine
(reduced) Adenine + (oxidized) Thymine
(oxidized) Guanine + (reduced) Cytosine
Pyrimidine
Pyrimidine
Purine
Purine
Adenine
Adenine

Guanine
Guanine
Uracil
Uracil
Cytosine
Cytosine
The carbohydrate is ribose or deoxyribose.
Arabinose
Arabinose
L-Ribose
l-Ribose
Fischer and Piloty, 1891
Deoxyribose
Deoxyribose
The exact position of phosphoric acid was established after long work and verified by synthesis.[33]
A compound of adenine, ribose, and phosphoric acid was found in yeast, blood, and in skeletal muscle of mammals. From 100 grams of such muscle, 0.35-0.40 grams of this compound were isolated. If the muscle is at rest, the compound contains three molecules of phosphoric acid, linked through oxygen atoms. It was named adenosine triphosphate or adenyltriphosphoric acid,[34] usually abbreviated by the symbol ATP. It releases one phosphoric acid group very easily and goes over in the diphosphate, ADP, but it can also lose 2 P-groups as pyrophosphoric acid and leave the monophosphate, AMP.
Adenosine Triphosphate: Adenine, D-Ribose, Phosphoric
acid
This change of ATP was considered to be the main source of energy in muscle contraction by Otto Meyerhof.[35] The corresponding derivatives of guanine, cytosine, and uracil were also found, and they are active in the temporary transfer of phosphoric acid groups in biological processes.
Thus, the study of organic phosphates progressed from the comparatively simple esters connected with fatty substances of organisms to the proteins and the nuclear substances of the cell. The proportional amount of phosphorus in the former was larger than in the latter; the actual importance and function in the life of organisms, however, is not measured by the quantity but determined by the special nature of the compounds.[Pg 195]
Figure 16.
Figure 16.—Otto Meyerhof (1884-1951) received one-half of the Nobel Prize in Medicine and Physiology in 1922 for his discovery of the metabolism of lactic acid in muscle, which involves the action of phosphates, especially adenosine duophosphates. (Photo courtesy National Library of Medicine, Washington, D.C.)
Figure 17.
Figure 17.
Figure 17.—Arthur Harden (1865-1940), left, and Hans A. S. von Euler-Chelpin (b. 1875), right, shared the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1929. Harden received it for his research in fermentation, which showed the influence of phosphate, particularly the formation of a hexose diphosphate. Euler-Chelpin received his award for his research in fermentation. He found coenzyme A which is a nucleotide containing phosphoric acid.
[Pg 196]
Figure 18.
Figure 18.—George de Hevesy (b. 1885) received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1943 for his research with isotopic tracer elements, particularly radiophosphorus of weight 32 (ordinary phosphorus is 31).
Figure 19.
Figure 19.
Figure 19.—Carl F. Cori (b. 1896) and his wife, Gerty T. Cori (1896-1957) received part of the Nobel Prize in Medicine and Physiology in 1947 for their study on glycogen conversion. In the course of this study, they identified glucose 1-phosphate, now usually referred to as “Cori ester,” and its function in the glycogen cycle. (Photo courtesy National Library of Medicine, Washington, D.C.)
[Pg 197] The study of this function is the newest phase in the history of phosphorus and represents the culmination of the previous efforts. This newest phase developed out of an accidental discovery concerning one of the oldest organic-chemical industries, the production of alcohol by the fermentative action of yeast on sugar. A transition of carbohydrates through phosphate compounds to the end products of the fermentation process was found, and it gradually proved to be a kind of model for a host of biological processes.
Specific phosphates were thus found to be indispensable for life. In reverse, the wrong kind of phosphates can destroy life. As a result, an important part of the new phase in phosphorus history consisted in the study—and use—of antibiotic phosphorus compounds.

Phosphates as Plant Nutrients

One hundred years after the discovery of “cold light,” the presence of phosphorus in plants and animals was ascertained, and its form was established as a compound of phosphoric acid. This knowledge had little practical effect until the “nature” of the acid, in its various forms, was explained through the work of Thomas Graham. From it, there started a considerable technical development.
At about that time (1833), the Duke of Richmond proved that the fertilizing value of bones resided not in the gelatin, nor in the calcium, but in the phosphoric acid. Thus, he confirmed what Théodore de Saussure had said in 1804, that “we have no reason to believe” that plants can exist without phosphorus. Unknowingly at first, the farmer had supplied this element by means of the organic fertilizers he used: manure, excrements, bones, and horns. Now, with the value of phosphorus known, a search began for mineral phosphates to be applied as fertilizers. Jean Baptiste Boussingault (1802-1887), an agricultural chemist in Lyons, traveled to Peru to see the guano deposits. Garcilaso de la Vega (ca. 1540 to ca. 1616) noted in his history of Peru (1604) that guano was used by the Incas as a fertilizer. Two hundred years later, Alexander von Humboldt revived this knowledge, and Humphry Davy wrote about the benefits of guano to the soil. Yet, the application of this fertilizer developed only slowly, until Justus Liebig sang its praise. Imports into England rose and far exceeded those into France where, between 1857 and 1867, about 50,000 tons were annually received.
The other great advance in the use of phosphatic plant nutrients started with Liebig’s recommendation (1840) to treat bones with sulfuric acid for solubilization. This idea was not entirely new; since 1832, a production of a “superphosphate” from bones and sulfuric acid had been in progress at Prague. At[Pg 186] Rothamsted in 1842, John Bennet Lawes obtained a patent on the manufacture of superphosphate. Other manufactures in England followed and were successful, although James Muspratt (1793-1886) at Newton lost much time and “some thousands of pounds” on Liebig’s idea of a “mineral manure.”
Figure 8.
Figure 8.—Florida land-pebble phosphate mining. (From Carroll D. Wright, The Phosphate Industry of the United States ..., plate facing page 58.)
It was difficult enough to establish the efficacy of bones and artificially produced phosphates in promoting the growth of plants under special conditions of soils and climate; therefore, the question as to the action of phosphates in the growing plant was not even seriously formulated at that time. The beneficial effects were obvious enough to increase the use of phosphates as plant nutrients and to call for new sources of supply. Active developments of phosphate mining and treating started in South Carolina in 1867, and in Florida in 1888.[25]
In a reciprocal action, more phosphate application to soils stimulated increasing research on the conditions and reactions obtaining in the complex and varying compositions called soil. The findings of bacteriologists made it clear that physics and chemistry had to be amplified by biology for a real understanding of fertilizer effects. After 1900, for example, Julius Stoklasa (1857-1936) pointed out that bacterial action in soil solubilizes water-insoluble phosphates and makes them available to the plants.[26]
Figure 9.
Figure 9.—Florida river-pebble phosphate mining. (From Carroll D. Wright, The Phosphate Industry of the United States ..., plate facing page 64.)
The insight into the importance of phosphorus in organisms, especially since Liebig’s time, is reflected in the work of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900). This “re-valuator of all values” who modestly said of himself: “I am dynamite!” once explained the human temperaments as caused by the inorganic salts they contain: [Pg 187]“The differences in temperament are perhaps caused more by the different distribution and quantities of the inorganic salts than by everything else. Bilious people have too little sodium sulfate, the melancholics are lacking in potassium sulfate and phosphate; too little calcium phosphate in the phlegmatics. Courageous natures have an excess of iron phosphate.” (See volume 12 of Nietzsche’s Works, edit. Naumann-Kröner, Leipzig, 1886.) In this strange association of inorganic salts with human temperaments, the role of iron phosphate as a producer of courage is particularly interesting. What would a modern philosopher conclude if he followed the development of insight into the composition and function of complex phosphate compounds in organisms?

From Inorganic to Organic Phosphates

By the middle of the 19th century, the source of phosphorus in natural phosphates and the chemistry of its oxidation products had been established. The main difficulty that had to be overcome was that these oxidation products existed in so many forms, not only several stages of oxidation, but, in addition, aggregations and condensations of the phosphoric acids. Once the fundamental chemistry of these acids was elucidated, the attention of chemists and physiologists turned to the task of finding the actual state in which phosphorus compounds were present in the organisms. It had been a great advance when it had been shown that plants need phosphates in their soil. This led to the next question concerning the materials in the body of the plant for which phosphates were being used and into which they were incorporated. Similarly, the knowledge that animals attain their phosphates from the digested plant food called, in the next step of scientific inquiry, for information on the nature of phosphates produced from this source.
The method used in this inquiry was to subject anatomically separated parts of the organisms to chemical separations. The means for such separations had to be more gentle than the strong heat and destructive chemicals that had been considered adequate up to then. The interpretation of the new results naturally relied on the general advance of chemistry, the development of new methods for isolating substances of little stability, of new concepts concerning the arrangements of atoms in the molecules, and of new apparatus to measure their rates of change.[Pg 188]
T. PARKER.
ELECTRICAL FURNACE.
Patented Sept. 13, 1892.
Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.
Inventor Thomas Parker
By his attorneys Howson and Howson
Witnesses: George Baumann John Revell
Figure 10.—Electric furnace for producing elemental phosphorus, invented by Thomas Parker of Newbridge, England, and assigned to The Electric Construction Corporation of the same place. The drawing is part of United States patent 482,586 (September 13, 1892). The furnace was patented in England on October 29, 1889 (no. 17,060); in France on June 23, 1890 (no. 206,566); in Germany on June 17, 1890 (no. 55,700); and in Italy on October 23, 1890 (no. 431). The following explanation is cited from the U.S. patent:
Figure 1 [shown here] is a vertical section of the furnace, and Fig. 2 is a diagram to illustrate the means for regulating the electro-motive force or quantity of current across the furnace.
F is the furnace containing the charge to be treated. It has an inlet-hopper at a, with slides AA, by which the charge can be admitted without opening communication between the interior of the furnace and the outer air.
B is a screw conveyer by which the charge is pushed forward into the furnace.
c´c´ are the electrodes, consisting of blocks or cylinders or the like of carbon fixed in metal socket-pieces c c, to which the electric-circuit wires d from the dynamo D are affixed. The current, as aforesaid, may be either continuous or alternating. c2c2 are rods of metal or carbon, which are used to establish the electric circuit through the furnace, the said rods being inserted into holes in conductors c3 (in contact with the socket-pieces c) and in the furnace, as shown.
g is the outlet for the gas or vapor, h the slag-tap hole, and x the opening for manipulating the charge, the said openings being closed by clay or otherwise when the furnace is at work.
I use coke or other form of carbon in the charge between the electrodes , the said coke being in contact with the said electrodes, so that complete incandescence is insured.
A means for varying the electro-motive force or quantity of current across the furnace with the varying resistance of the charge is illustrated by the diagram, Fig. 2. c´ c2 indicate the electrodes in the furnace, as in Fig. 1, and D is the dynamo and T its terminals. E represents the exciting-circuit. R R are resistances, and R S is the resistance-switch, which is operated to put in more or less resistance at R as the resistance of the charge in the furnace lessens or increases. This switch may be automatically operated, and a suitable arrangement for the purpose is a current-regulator such as is described in the specification of English Letters Patent No. 14,504, of September 14, 1889, granted to William Henry Douglas and Thomas Hugh Parker.
[Pg 189]
Fig 254.—Trempage á la presse.
Figure 11.—Dipping of matchsticks in France, about 1870. The frame which holds the matches so that one end protrudes at the bottom, is lowered over a pan containing molten sulfur. The sulfur-covered matches are then dropped into a phosphorous paste. See figure 12. (From Figuier, Merveilles de l’industrie, volume 3, 1874, page 575.)
Fig. 256.—Coupe du plateau á tremper les
allumettes chimiques dans la pâte de phosphore á chaud et au bain-marie.
Figure 12.—Pan for dipping matchsticks into phosphorus paste, about 1870. The letters on the picture are: A, matches; B, water bath; C, frame; D, plate; E, phosphorus paste; F, oven. The phosphorus paste of Böttger, 1842, contained 10 phosphorus, 25 antimony sulfide, 12.5 manganese dioxide, 15 gelatin. According to Figuier (page 579), R. Wagner substituted lead dioxide for the manganese dioxide. (From Figuier, volume 3, 1874, page 576.)
In the system of chemistry, as it developed in the first half of the 19th century, the new development can be characterized as the turn from inorganic to organic phosphates, from the substance of minerals and strong chemical interactions to the components in which phosphate groups remained combined with carbon-containing substances.

THE ELEMENT FROM ANIMALS AND PLANTS - HISTORY OF PHOSPHORUS

t was a little late to search for the philosophers’ stone in 1669, yet it was in such a search that phosphorus was discovered. Wilhelm Homberg (1652-1715) described it in the following manner: Brand, [Pg 179]“a man little known, of low birth, with a bizarre and mysterious nature in all he did, found this luminous matter while searching for something else. He was a glassmaker by profession, but he had abandoned it in order to be free for the pursuit of the philosophical stone with which he was engrossed. Having put it into his mind that the secret of the philosophical stone consisted in the preparation of urine, this man worked in all kinds of manners and for a very long time without finding anything. Finally, in the year 1669, after a strong distillation of urine, he found in the recipient a luminant matter that has since been called phosphorus. He showed it to some of his friends, among them Mister Kunkel [sic].”[1]
Neither the name nor the phenomenon were really new. Organic phosphorescent materials were known to Aristotle, and a lithophosphorus was the subject of a book published in 1640, based on a discovery made by a shoemaker, Vicenzo Casciarolo, on a mountain-side near Bologna in 1630.[2] Was the substance new which Brand showed to his friends? Johann Gottfried Leonhardi quotes a book of 1689 in which the author, Kletwich, claims that this phosphorus had already been known to Fernelius, the court physician of King Henri II of France (1154-1189).[3] To the same period belongs the “Ordinatio Alchid Bechil Saraceni philosophi,” in which Ferdinand Hoefer found a distillation of urine with clay and carbonaceous material described, and the resulting product named escarbuncle.[4] It would be worth looking for this source; although Bechil would still remain an entirely unsuccessful predecessor, it does seem strange that in all the distillations of arbitrary mixtures, the conditions should never before 1669 have been right for the formation and the observation of phosphorus.
Figure 1.—The alchemist discovers phosphorus. A painting
by Joseph Wright (1734-1779) of Derby, England.
Figure 1.—The alchemist discovers phosphorus. A painting by Joseph Wright (1734-1779) of Derby, England.
For Brand’s contemporaries at least, the discovery was new and exciting. The philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (1646-1716) considered it important enough to devote some of his time (between his work as librarian in Hanover and Wolfenbüttel, his efforts to reunite the Protestant and the Catholic churches, and his duties as Privy Councellor in what we would call a Department of Justice) to a history of phosphorus. This friend of Huygens and Boyle tried to prove that Kunckel was not justified in claiming the discovery for himself.[5] Since then, it has been shown that Johann Kunckel (1630-1703) actually worked out the method which neither Brand nor his friend Kraft wanted to disclose. Boyle also developed a method independently, published it, and instructed[Pg 180] Gottfried Hankwitz in the technique. Later on, Jean Hellot (1685-1765) gave a meticulous description of the details and a long survey of the literature.[6]
Figure 2.
Figure 2.—Galley-oven, 1869. The picture is a cross section through the front of the oven showing one of the 36 retorts, the receivers for the distillate, and the space in the upper story used for evaporating the mixture of acid solution of calcium phosphate and coal. (According to Anselme Payen, Précis de Chimie industrielle, Paris, 1849; reproduced from Hugo Fleck, Die Fabrikation chemischer Produkte aus thierischen Abfällen, Vieweg, Braunschweig, 1862, page 80 of volume 2, 2nd group, of P. Bolley’s Handbuch der chemischen Technologie.)
To obtain phosphorus, a good proportion of coal (regarded as a type of phlogiston) was added to urine, previously thickened by evaporation and preferably after putrefaction, and the mixture was heated to the highest attainable temperature. It was obvious that phlogiston entered into the composition of the distillation product. The question remained whether this product was generated de novo. In his research of 1743 to 1746, Andreas Sigismund Marggraf (1709-1782) provided the answer. He found the new substance in edible plant seeds, and he concluded that it enters the human system through the plant food, to be excreted later in the urine. He did not convince all the chemists with his reasoning. In 1789, Macquer wrote: “There are some who, even at this time, hold that the phosphorical (‘phosphorische’) acid generates itself in the animals and who consider this to be the ‘animalistic acid.’”[7]
Although Marggraf was more advanced in his arguments than these chemists, yet he was a child of his time. The luminescent and combustible, almost wax-like substance impressed him greatly. “My thoughts about the unexpected generation of light and fire out of water, fine earth, and phlogiston I reserve to describe at a later time.” These thoughts went so far as to connect the new marvel with alchemical wonder tales. When Marggraf used the “essential salt of urine,” also called sal microcosmicum, and admixed silver chloride (“horny silver”) to it for the distillation of phosphorus, he expected “a partial conversion of silver by phlogiston and the added fine vitrifiable earth, but no trace of a more noble metal appeared.”[8]
Robert Boyle had already found that the burning of phosphorus produced an acid. He identified it by taste and by its influence on colored plant extracts serving as “indicators.” Hankwitz[9] described methods for obtaining this acid, and Marggraf showed its chemical peculiarities. They did not necessarily establish phosphorus as a new element. To do that was not as important, at that time, as to conjecture on analogies with known substances. Underlying all its unique characteristics was the analogy of phosphorus with sulfur. Like sulfur, phosphorus can burn in two different ways, either slowly or more violently, and form two different acids. The analogy can, therefore, be extended to explain the results in both groups in the same way. In the process of burning, the combustible component is removed, and the acid originally combined with the combustible is set free. Whether the analogy should be pursued even further remained doubtful, although some suspicion lingered on for a while that phosphoric acid might actually be a modified sulfuric acid. Analogies and suspicions like these were needed to formulate new questions and stimulate new experiments. They are cited here for their important positive value in the historical development, and not for the purpose of showing how wrong these chemists were from our[Pg 181] point of view, a point of view which they helped to create.
The widespread interest in the burning of sulfur and of phosphorus, naturally, caught Lavoisier’s attention. In his first volume of Opuscules Physiques et Chimiques (1774), he devoted 20 pages to his experiments on phosphorus. He amplified them a few years later[10] when he attributed the combustion to a combination of phosphorus with the “eminently respirable” part of air. In the Méthode de Nomenclature Chimique of 1787, the column of “undecomposed substances” lists sulfur as the “radical sulfurique,” and phosphorus, correspondingly, as the “radical phosphorique.” The acids are now shown to be compounds of the “undecomposed” radicals, the complete reversion of the previous concept of this relationship. A part of the old analogy remained as far as the acids are concerned: sulfuric acid corresponds to phosphoric; sulfurous acid to phosphorous acid with less oxygen than in the former.[11]

Early Uses

In the 18th century, phosphorus was a costly material. It was produced mostly for display and to satisfy curiosity. Guillaume François Rouelle (1703-1770) demonstrated the process in his lectures, and, as Macquer reports, he “very often” succeeded in making it.[12] Robert Boyle had the idea of using phosphorus as a light for underwater divers.[13] A century later, “instant lights” were sold, with molten phosphorus as the “igniter,” but they proved cumbersome and unreliable.[14] Because white phosphorus is highly poisonous, an active development of the use in matches occurred only after the conversion of the white modification into the red had been studied by Émile Kopp (1844), by Wilhelm Hittorf (1824-1914) and, in its practical application, by Anton Schrötter (1802-1875).[15]
Figure 3.
Figure 3.—Distillation apparatus (1849) for refining crude phosphorus. The crude phosphorus is mixed with sand under hot water, cooled, drained, and filled into the retort. The outlet of the retort, at least 6 cm. in diameter, is partially immersed in the water contained in the bucket. A small dish, made from lead, with an iron handle, receives the distilled phosphorus. (From Hugo Fleck, Die Fabrikation chemischer Produkte ... page 90.)
The most exciting early use, however, was in medicine. It is not surprising that such a use was sought at that time. Any new material immediately became the hope of ailing mankind—and of striving inventors.[16] Phosphorus was prescribed, in liniments with fatty oils or as solution in alcohol and ether, for external and internal application. A certain Dr. Kramer found it efficient against epilepsy and melancholia (1730). A Professor Hartmann recommended it against cramps.[17] However, in the growing[Pg 182] production of phosphorus for matches, the workers experienced the poisonous effects. In the plant of Black and Bell at Stratford, this was prevented by inhaling turpentine. Experiments on dogs were carried out to show that poisoning by phosphorus could be remedied through oil of turpentine.[18]
Figure 4.
Figure 4.—Apparatus for converting white phosphorus into the red allotropic form, 1851. Redistilled phosphorus is heated in the glass or porcelain vessel (g) which is surrounded by a sandbath (e) and a metal bath (b). Vessel (j) is filled with mercury and water; together with valve (k), it serves as a safety device. The alcohol lamp (l) keeps the tube warm against clogging by solidified vapors. Because of hydrogen phosphides, the operation, carried out at 260° C., had to be watched very carefully. (According to Arthur Albright, 1851; reproduced from Hugo Fleck, Die Fabrikation chemischer Produkte ..., page 112.)

Chemical Constitution of Phosphoric Acids

In a long article on phosphorus, Edmond Willm wrote in 1876: “For a century, urine was the only source from which phosphorus was obtained. After Gahn, in 1769, recognized the presence of phosphoric acid in bones, Scheele indicated the procedure for making phosphorus from them.”[19] Actually, Gahn used at first hartshorn (Cornu cervi ustum), and Scheele doubted, until he checked it himself, that his esteemed friend was right. A few years later, Scheele corrected Gahn’s assumption that the sal microcosmicum was an ammonia salt; instead, it is “a tertiary neutral salt, consisting of alkali minerali fixo (i.e., sodium), alkali volatili, and acido phosphori.”[20]
In the years after 1770, phosphorus was discovered in bones and many other parts of various animals. Treatment with sulfuric acid decomposed these materials into a solid residue and dissolved phosphoric acid. Many salts of this acid were produced in crystalline form. Heat resistance had been considered one of the outstanding characteristics of phosphoric acid. Now, however, in the processes of drying and heating certain phosphates, it became clear that three kinds of phosphoric acids could be produced: ortho, pyro, and meta.
Berzelius cited these acids as examples of compounds which are ISOMERIC. This word was intended to designate compounds which contain the same number of atoms of the same elements but combined in different manners, thereby explaining their different chemical properties and crystal forms. It was in 1830 that Berzelius propounded this companion of the concept, ISOMORPHISM, which was to collect all cases of equal crystal form in compounds in which equal numbers of atoms of different elements are put together in the same manner. Together, the two concepts of isomerism and isomorphism seemed to cover all the known exceptions from the simplest assumption as to specificity and chemical composition.
However, only a few years later Thomas Graham (1805-1869) proved that the three phosphoric acids are not isomeric. He used the proportion of 2 P to 5 O in the oxide which Berzelius had thought justified at least until “an example of the contrary could be sufficiently established.”[21] Refining the techniques of Gay-Lussac (1816) and several other investigators, Graham characterized the three phosphoric acids as “a terphosphate, a biphosphate, and phosphate of water.” Actually, this was the wrong terminology for what he meant and formulated as trihydrate, bihydrate, and monohydrate of phosphorus oxide. In[Pg 183] his manner of writing the formulas, each dot over the symbol for the element was to indicate an atom of oxygen; thus, he wrote:
... ::   .. ...      . .
 H3  P    H2 P   and  H P.[22]
Figure 5.
Figure 5.—Oven for the calcination of bones, about 1870. “The operation is carried out in a rather high oven, such as shown.... The fresh bones are thrown in at the top of the oven, B. First, fuel in chamber F is lighted, and a certain quantity of bones is burnt on the grid D. When these bones are burning well, the oven is gradually filled with bones, and the combustion maintains itself without addition of other fuel. A circular gallery, C, surrounds the bottom of the oven and carries the products of combustion into the chimney, H. The calcined bones are taken out at the lower opening, G, by removing the bars of grid B.” (Translation of the description from Figuier, Merveilles de l’industrie, volume 3, 1874, page 537.)
Figure 6.
Figure 6.—An advertisement with view of plant for manufacturing superphosphate about 1867. (From E. T. Freedley, Philadelphia and its Manufacturers in 1867, page 288.)
[Pg 184] Figure 7.
Figure 7.—Florida hard-rock phosphate mining. (From Carroll D. Wright, The Phosphate Industry of the United States, sixth special report of the Commissioner of Labor, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1893, plate facing page 43.)
Graham had come to this understanding of the phosphoric acids through his previous studies of “Alcoates, definite compounds of Salts and Alcohol analogous to the Hydrates” (1831). Liebig started from analogies he saw with certain organic acids when he formulated the phosphoric acids with a constant proportion of water (aq.) and varying proportions of “phosphoric acid” (P) as follows:
[Pg 185]2 P 3 aq. phosphoric acid
3 P 3 aq. pyrophosphoric acid
6 P 3 aq. metaphosphoric acid.
Salts are formed when a “basis,” i.e., a metal oxide, replaces water. When potassium-acid sulfate is neutralized by sodium base, the acid-salt divides into Glauber’s salt and potassium sulfate, which proves the acid-salt to be a mixture of the neutral salt with its acid. Sodium-acid phosphate behaves quite differently. After neutralization by a potassium “base” (hydroxide), the salt does not split up; a uniform sodium-potassium phosphate is obtained. Therefore, phosphoric acid is truly three-basic![23]
This result has later been confirmed, but the analogy by means of which it had been obtained was very weak, in certain parts quite wrong.
The acids from the two lower oxides of phosphorus were also considered as three-basic. Adolphe Wurtz (1817-1884) formulated them in 1846, according to the theory of chemical types:
(PO) · · ·
O3     phosphoric acid
H3
(PHO) · ·
O2     phosphorus acid
H2
(PH2O) ·
O      hypophosphorous acid.[24]
H
Further proof for these constitutions was sought in the study of the esters formed when the acids react with alcohols.
Among the analogies and generalizations by which the research on phosphoric acid was supported, and to the results of which it contributed a full share, was the new theory of acids. Not oxygen, Lavoisier’s general acidifier, but reactive hydrogen determines the character of acids. In this brief survey, it seems sufficient just to mention this connection without describing it in detail.
The study of phosphoric acids led to important new concepts in theoretical chemistry. The finding of polybasicity was extended to other acids and formed the model that helped to recognize the polyfunctionality in other compounds, like alcohols and amines. The hydrogen theory of acids was fundamental for further advance. In another dimension, it is particularly interesting to see that large-scale applications followed almost immediately and directly from the new theoretical insight. The first and foremost of these applications was in agriculture.

The Dancing Mouse A Study in Animal Behavior - Chapter III

BEHAVIOR: DANCE MOVEMENTS
The peculiarities of behavior of the dancing mouse are responsible alike for the widespread interest which it has aroused, and for its name. In a little book on fancy varieties of mice, in which there is much valuable information concerning the care of the animals, one who styles himself "An old fancier" writes thus of the behavior of the dancer: "I believe most people have an idea that the waltzing is a stately dance executed on the hind feet; this is not so. The performer simply goes round and round on all fours, as fast as possible, the head pointing inwards. The giddy whirl, after continuing for about a dozen turns, is then reversed in direction, and each performance usually occupies from one to two minutes. Whether it is voluntary or not, is difficult to determine, but I am inclined to think the mouse can refrain if it wishes to do so, because I never see them drop any food they may be eating, and begin to waltz in the midst of their meal. The dance, if such it can be called, generally seizes the mouse when it first emerges from its darkened sleeping place, and this would lead one to suppose that the light conveys an impression of shock to the brain, through the eyes, which disturbs the diseased centers and starts the giddy gyrations. The mice can walk or run in a fairly straight line when they wish to do so." Some of the old fancier's statements are true, others are mere guesses. Those who have studied the mice carefully will doubtless agree that he has not adequately described the various forms of behavior of which they are capable. I have quoted his description as an illustration of the weakness which is characteristic of most popular accounts of animal behavior. It proves that it is not sufficient to watch and then describe. The fact is that he who adequately describes the behavior of any animal watches again and again under natural and experimental conditions, and by prolonged and patient observation makes himself so familiar with his subject that it comes to possess an individuality as distinctive as that of his human companions. To the casual observer the individuals of a strange race are almost indistinguishable. Similarly, the behavior of all the animals of a particular species seems the same to all except the observer who has devoted himself whole-heartedly to the study of the subject and who has thus become as familiar with their life of action as most of us are with that of our fellow-men; for him each individual has its own unmistakable characteristics.
I shall now describe the behavior of the dancing mouse in the light of the results of the observation of scores of individuals for months at a time, and of a large number of experiments. From time to time I shall refer to points in the accounts of the subject previously given by Rawitz (25 p. 236), Cyon (9 p. 214), Alexander and Kreidl (1 p. 542), Zoth (31 p. 147), and Kishi (21 p. 479).
The most striking features of the ordinary behavior of the dancer are restlessness and movements in circles. The true dancer seldom runs in a straight line for more than a few centimeters, although, contrary to the statements of Rawitz and Cyon, it is able to do so on occasion for longer distances. Even before it is old enough to escape from the nest it begins to move in circles and to exhibit the quick, jerky head movements which are characteristic of the race. At the age of three weeks it is able to dance vigorously, and is incessantly active when not washing itself, eating, or sleeping. According to Zoth (31 p. 149) the sense of sight and especially the sense of smell of the dancer "seem to be keenly developed; one can seldom remain for some time near the cage without one or another of the animals growing lively, looking out of the nest, and beginning to sniff around in the air (windet). They also seem to have strongly developed cutaneous sensitiveness, and a considerable amount of curiosity, if one may call it such, in common with their cousin, the white mouse." I shall reserve what I have to say concerning the sense of sight for later chapters. As for the sense of smell and the cutaneous sensitiveness, Zoth is undoubtedly right in inferring from the behavior of the animal that it is sensitive to certain odors and to changes in temperature. One of the most noticeable and characteristic activities of the dancer is its sniffing. Frequently in the midst of its dancing it stops suddenly, raises its head so that the nose is pointed upward, as in the case of one of the mice of the frontispiece, and remains in that position for a second or two, as if sniffing the air.
The restlessness, the varied and almost incessant movements, and the peculiar excitability of the dancer have repeatedly suggested to casual observers the question, why does it move about in that aimless, useless fashion? To this query Rawitz has replied that the lack of certain senses compels the animal to strive through varied movements to use to the greatest advantage those senses which it does possess. In Rawitz's opinion the lack of hearing and orientation is compensated for by the continuous use of sight and smell. The mouse runs about rapidly, moves its head from side to side, and sniffs the air, in order that it may see and smell as much as possible. In support of this interpretation of the restlessness of the dancer, Rawitz states that he once observed similar behavior in an albino dog which was deaf. This suggestion is not absurd, for it seems quite probable that the dancer has to depend for the guidance of its movements upon sense data which are relatively unimportant in the common mouse, and that by its varied and restless movements it does in part make up for its deficiency in sense equipment.
The dancing, waltzing, or circus course movement, as it is variously known, varies in form from moment to moment. Now an individual moves its head rapidly from side to side, perhaps backing a little at the same time, now it spins around like a top with such speed that head and tail are almost indistinguishable, now it runs in circles of from 5 cm. to 30 cm. in diameter. If there are any objects in the cage about or through which it may run, they are sure to direct the expression of activity. A tunnel or a hole in a box calls forth endless repetitions of the act of passing through. When two individuals are in the same cage, they frequently dance together, sometimes moving in the same direction, sometimes in opposite directions. Often, as one spins rapidly about a vertical axis, the other runs around the first in small circles; or again, both may run in a small circle in the same direction, so that their bodies form a living ring, which, because of the rapidity of their movements, appears perfectly continuous. The three most clearly distinguishable forms of dance are (1) movement in circles with all the feet close together under the body, (2) movement in circles, which vary in diameter from 5 cm. to 30 cm., with the feet spread widely, and (3) movement now to the right, now to the left, in figure eights ([Symbol: figure eight]). For convenience of reference these types of dance may be called whirling, circling, and the figure eight dance. Zoth, in an excellent account of the behavior of the dancer (31 p. 156), describes "manège movements," "solo dances," and "centre dances." Of these the first is whirling, the second one form of circling, and the third the dancing of two individuals together in the manner described above.
Both the whirling and the circling occur to the right (clockwise) and to the left (anticlockwise). As certain observers have stated that it is chiefly to the left and others that it is as frequently to the right, I have attempted to get definite information concerning the matter by observing a number of individuals systematically and at stated intervals. My study of this subject soon convinced me that a true conception of the facts cannot be got simply by noting the direction of turning from time to time. I therefore planned and carried out a series of experimental observations with twenty dancers, ten of each sex. One at a time these individuals were placed in a glass jar, 26 cm. in diameter, and the number of circle movements executed to the right and to the left during a period of five minutes was determined as accurately as possible. This was repeated at six hours of the day: 9 and 11 o'clock A.M., and 2, 4, 6, and 8 o'clock P.M. In order that habituation to the conditions under which the counts of turning were made might hot influence the results for the group, with ten individuals the morning counts were made first, and with the others the afternoon counts. No attempt was made in the counting to keep a separate record of the whirling and circling, although had it been practicable this would have been desirable, for, as soon became evident to the observer, some individuals which whirl in only one direction, circle in both.
In Table 2 the results of the counts for the males are recorded; in Table 3 those for the females. Each number in the column headed "right" and "left" indicates the total number of circles executed by a certain dancer in a period of five minutes at the hour of the day named at the head of the column. I may point out briefly the curiously interesting and entirely unexpected new facts which this method of observation revealed to me.
First, there are three kinds of dancers: those which whirl almost uniformly toward the right, those which whirl just as uniformly toward the left, and those which whirl about as frequently in one direction as in the other. To illustrate, No. 2 of Table 2 may be characterized as a "right whirler," for he turned to the right almost uniformly. In the case of the 6 P.M. count, for example, he turned 285 times to the right, not once to the left. No. 152, on the contrary, should be characterized as a "left whirler," since he almost always turned to the left. From both of these individuals No. 210 is distinguished by the fact that he turned now to the left, now to the right. For him the name "mixed whirler" seems appropriate.
Second, the amount of activity, as indicated by the number of times an individual turns in a circle within five minutes, increases regularly and rapidly from 9 A.M. to 8 P.M. According to the general averages which appear at the bottom of Table 2, the average number of circles executed by the males at 9 A.M. was 89.8 as compared with 207.1 at 8 P.M. In other words, the mice dance more in the evening than during the day.
Third, as it appears in a comparison of the general averages of Tables 2 and 3, the females dance more than the males, under the conditions of observation. At 9 A.M. the males circled 89.8 times, the females 151.0 times; at 8 P.M. the males circled 207.1 times, the females, 279.0 times.
Fourth, according to the averages for the six counts made with each individual, as they appear in Table 4, the males turn somewhat more frequently to the left than to the right (the difference, however, is not sufficient to be considered significant); whereas, the females turn much more frequently to the right than to the left. I do not wish to emphasize the importance of this difference, for it is not improbable that counts made with a larger number of animals, or even with another group of twenty, would yield different results.

TABLE 2

NUMBER or WHIRLS TO THE RIGHT AND TO THE LEFT DURING
FIVE-MINUTE INTERVALS AS DETERMINED BY COUNTS MADE AT
SIX DIFFERENT HOURS, FOR EACH OF TEN MALE DANCERS

NUMBER 9 A.M 11 A.M. 2 P.M. OF ANIMAL RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT

2 11 2 23 4 194 1 30 20 1 134 1 109 2 34 2 16 2 48 4 92 36 194 21 180 11 143 65 152 7 48 3 171 6 79 156 63 8 53 9 27 6 210 3 9 7 41 225 21 220 168 105 39 43 47 5 410 2 67 10 27 8 103 420 15 142 5 214 16 238
Averages 48.5 41.3 45.6 56.9 77.9 61.2
Gen. Av. 89.8 102.5 139.1

NUMBER 4 P.M 6 P.M. 8 P.M. OF ANIMAL RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT

2 70 3 285 0 237 10 30 154 0 107 6 134 5 34 7 158 5 118 6 147 36 173 14 170 11 325 19 152 0 91 16 210 9 223 156 85 2 72 26 139 26 210 159 18 31 82 47 201 220 45 38 78 17 69 33 410 9 155 9 394 24 94 420 18 243 16 291 3 320
Averages 72.0 72.2 78.9 115.5 99.3 107.8
Gen. Av. 144.2 194.4 207.1

TABLE 3

NUMBER OF WHIRLS TO THE RIGHT AND TO THE LEFT DURING FIVE-MINUTE INTERVALS AS DETERMINED BY COUNTS MADE AT SIX DIFFERENT HOURS, FOR EACH OF TEN FEMALE DANCERS

NUMBER 9 A.M. 11 A.M. 2 P.M. OF ANIMAL RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT

29 9 18 17 30 7 22 33 287 0 329 1 352 3 35 48 15 198 46 208 14 151 13 88 7 75 3 167 157 57 6 50 45 53 12 211 218 21 31 55 66 5 215 67 216 33 105 37 226 225 46 39 72 49 143 44 415 23 0 156 0 34 3 425 43 296 12 201 12 210
Averages 81.1 69.9 90.5 60.7 91.5 70.6
Gen. Av. 151.0 151.2 162.1
NUMBER 4 P.M. 6 P.M. 8 P.M. OF ANIMAL RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT RIGHT LEFT
29 33 114 31 36 45 99 33 436 7 408 3 364 2 35 279 6 165 24 353 10 151 3 8 2 285 2 217 157 52 15 19 125 51 104 211 190 7 86 31 67 250 215 15 292 45 336 150 232 225 133 86 48 39 177 81 415 268 3 437 7 382 8 425 12 242 19 210 4 192
Averages 142.1 78.0 126.0 109.6 159.5 119.5
Gen. Av. 220.1 235.6 279.0
The most important results of this statistical study of turning are the demonstration of the existence of individual tendencies to turn in a particular direction, and of the fact that the whirling increases in amount from morning to evening.
In order to discover whether the distribution of the dancers among the three groups which have been designated as right, left, and mixed whirlers agrees in general with that indicated by Table 4 (approximately the same number in each group) I have observed the direction of turning in the case of one hundred dancers, including those of the foregoing tables, and have classified them in accordance with their behavior as is indicated below.

RIGHT LEFT MIXED WHIRLERS WHIRLERS WHIRLERS

Males 19 19 12
Females 12 23 15
Totals 31 42 27
The left whirlers occur in excess of both the right and the mixed whirlers. This fact, together with the results which have already been considered in connection with the counts of turning, suggests that a tendency to whirl in a certain way may be inherited. I have examined my data and conducted breeding experiments for the purpose of ascertaining whether this is true. But as the results of this part of the investigation more properly belong in a special chapter on the inheritance of behavior (XVIII), the discussion of the subject may be closed for the present with the statement that the preponderance of left whirlers indicated above is due to a strong tendency to turn to the left which was exhibited by the individuals of one line of descent.

TABLE 4

AVERAGE NUMBER OF WHIRLS TO THE RIGHT AND TO THE LEFT FOR THE SIX INTERVALS OF TABLES 2 AND 3, WITH A CHARACTERIZATION OF THE ANIMALS AS RIGHT WHIRLERS, LEFT WHIRLERS, OR MIXED WHIRLERS.

AVERAGE NO. AVERAGE NO. MALES AGE OF WHIRLS OF WHIRLS CHARACTERIZATION

    2 12 mo. 136.7 3.3 Right whirler
   30 2 mo. 109.7 2.5 Right whirler
   34 2 mo. 4.3 96.5 Left whirler
   36 2 mo. 197.5 23.5 Right whirler
  152 6 mo. 6.8 137.0 Left whirler
  156 1 mo. 73.2 12.8 Right whirler
  210 3 mo. 78.7 62.0 Mixed whirler
  220 4 mo. 74.3 40.2 Mixed whirler
  410 3 mo. 10.3 139.0 Left whirler
  420 3 mo. 12.2 241.3 Left whirler
Average 70.4 75.8 4 Right whirlers 4 Left whirlers 2 Mixed whirlers

FEMALES

29 2 mo. 23.7 53.2 Left whirler 33 2 mo. 362.7 2.7 Right whirler 35 2 mo. 208.5 19.2 Left whirler 151 6 mo. 5.0 140.0 Right whirler 157 1 mo. 47.0 51.2 Left whirler 211 3 mo. 109.7 61.5 Right whirler 215 3 mo. 57.8 234.5 Mixed whirler 225 4 mo. 103.2 56.3 Mixed whirler 415 3 mo. 216.7 3.5 Left whirler 425 3 mo. 17.0 225.2 Left whirler
Average 115.1 84.7 3 Right whirlers 4 Left whirlers 3 Mixed whirlers
The tendency of the dancer's activity to increase in amount toward evening, which the results of Tables 2, 3, and 4 exhibit, demands further consideration. Haacke (7 p. 337) and Kishi (21 p. 458) agree that the dancing is most vigorous in the evening; but Alexander and Kreidl (i p. 544) assert, on the contrary, that the whirling of the individuals which they observed bore no definite relation to the time of day and apparently was not influenced in intensity thereby. Since the results of my own observations contradict many of the statements made by the latter authors, I suspect that they may not have watched their animals long enough to discover the truth. The systematic records which I have kept indicate that the mice remain quietly in their nests during the greater part of the day, unless they are disturbed or come out to obtain food. Toward dusk they emerge and dance with varying intensity for several hours. I have seldom discovered one of them outside the nest between midnight and daylight. The period of greatest activity is between 5 and 10 o'clock P.M.
Zoth states that he has observed the adult dancer whirl 79 times without an instant's interruption, and I have counted as many as 110 whirls. It seems rather absurd to say that an animal which can do this is weak. Evidently the dancer is exceptionally strong in certain respects, although it may be weak in others. Such general statements as are usually made fail to do justice to the facts.
The supposition that light determines the periodicity of dancing is not borne out by my observations, for I have found that the animals continue to dance most vigorously toward evening, even when they are kept in a room which is constantly illuminated. In all probability the periodicity of activity is an expression of the habits of the mouse race rather than of the immediate influence of any environmental condition. At some time in the history of the dancer light probably did have an influence upon the period of activity; but at present, as a result of the persistence of a well-established racial tendency, the periodicity of dancing depends to a greater extent upon internal than upon external conditions. During its hours of quiescence it is possible to arouse the dancer and cause it to whirl more or less vigorously by stimulating it strongly with intense light, a weak electric current, or by placing two individuals which are strangers to one another in the same cage; but the dancing thus induced is seldom as rapid, varied, or as long-continued as that which is characteristic of the evening hours.
One of the most interesting results of this study of the direction of turning, from the observer's point of view, is the demonstration of the fact that the truth concerning even so simple a matter as this can be discovered only by long and careful observation. The casual observer of the dancer gets an impression that it turns to the left more often than to the right; he verifies his observation a few times and then asserts with confidence that such is the truth about turning. That such a method of getting knowledge of the behavior of the animal is worse than valueless is clear in the light of the results of the systematic observations which have just been reported. But, however important the progress which we may have made by means of systematic observation of the phenomenon of turning, it must not for one moment be supposed that the whole truth has been discovered. Continued observation will undoubtedly reveal other important facts concerning circling, whirling, and the periodicity of dancing, not to mention the inheritance of peculiarities of dancing and the significance of the various forms of activity.

CHAPTER IV

BEHAVIOR: EQUILIBRATION AND DIZZINESS
Quite as interesting and important as the general facts of behavior which we have been considering are the results of experimental tests of the dancer's ability to maintain its position under unusual spatial conditions—to climb, cross narrow bridges, balance itself on high places. Because of its tendency to circle and whirl, to dart hither and thither rapidly and apparently without control of its movements, the study of the mouse's ability to perform movements which demand accurate and delicate muscular coördination, and to control its expressions of activity, are of peculiar scientific interest.
That observers do not entirely agree as to the facts in this field is apparent from the following comparison of the statements made by Cyon and Zoth (31 p. 174).
Cyon states that the dancer
Cannot run in a straight line,
Cannot turn in a narrow space,
Cannot run backward,
Cannot run up an incline,
Cannot move about safely when above the ground, because of
  fear and visual dizziness,
Can hear certain tones.
Zoth, on the contrary, maintains that the animal
Can run in a straight line for at least 20 cm.,
Can and repeatedly does turn in a narrow space,
Can run backward, for he has observed it do so,
Can run up an incline unless the surface is too smooth for it to
  gain a foothold,
Can move about safely when above the ground, and gives no
  signs of fear or dizziness,
Cannot hear, or at least gives no signs of sensitiveness to sounds.
Such contradictory statements (and unfortunately they are exceedingly common) stimulated me to the repetition of many of the experiments which have been made by other investigators to test the dancer's behavior in unusual spatial relations. I shall state very briefly the general conclusions to which these experiments have led me, with only sufficient reference to methods and details of results to enable any one who wishes to repeat the tests for himself to do so. For the sake of convenience of presentation and clearness, the facts have been arranged under three rubrics: equilibrational ability, dizziness, and behavior when blinded. To our knowledge of each of these three groups of facts important contributions have come from the experiments of Cyon (9 p. 220), Alexander and Kreidl (1 p. 545), Zoth (31 p. 157), and Kishi (21 p. 482), although, as has been stated, in many instances their results are so contradictory as to demand reexamination. All in all, Zoth has given the most satisfactory account of the behavior and motor capacity of the dancer.
If the surface upon which it is moving be sufficiently soft or rough to furnish it a foothold, the dancer is able to run up or down inclines, even though they be very steep, to cross narrow bridges, to balance itself at heights of at least 30 cm. above the ground, and even to climb up and down on rods, as is shown by certain of Zoth's photographs which are reproduced in Figure 4. Zoth himself says, and in this I am able fully to agree with him on the basis of my own observations, "that the power of equilibration in the dancing mouse, is, in general, very complete. The seeming reduction which appears under certain conditions should be attributed, not to visual dizziness, but in part to excitability and restlessness, and in part to a reduced muscular power" (31 p. 161). The dancer certainly has far less grasping power than the common mouse, and is therefore at a disadvantage in moving about on sloping surfaces. One evidence of this fact is the character of the tracks made by the animal. Instead of raising its feet from the substratum and placing them neatly, as does the common mouse (Figure 5), it tends to shuffle along, dragging its toes and thus producing on smoked paper such tracks as are seen in Figure 6. From my own observations I am confident that these figures exaggerate the differences. My dancers, unless they were greatly excited or moving under conditions of stress, never dragged their toes as much as is indicated in Figure 6. However, there can be no doubt that they possess less power of grasping with their toes than do common mice. The animal is still further incapacitated for movement on inclined surfaces or narrow places by its tendency to move in circles and zigzags. The results of my own experiments indicate that the timidity of the adult is greater than that of the immature animal when it is placed on a bridge 1 or 2 cm. wide at a distance of 20 cm. from the ground. Individuals three weeks old showed less hesitation about trying to creep along such a narrow pathway than did full-grown dancers three or four months old; and these, in turn, were not so timid apparently as an individual one year old. But the younger animals fell off more frequently than did the older ones.
[Illustration: FIGURE 4.—Zoth's photographs of dancers crossing bridges and climbing rods. Reproduced from Pfluger's Archiv, Bd. 86.]
[Illustration: FIGURE 5—Tracks of common mouse Reproduced from Alexander and Kreidl's figure in Pfluger's Archiv, Bd 82]
[Illustration: FIGURE 6—Tracks of dancing mouse Reproduced from Alexander and Kreidl's figure in Pfluger's Archiv Bd 82]
Additional support for these statements concerning equilibrational ability is furnished by the observations of Kishi (21 p. 482). He built a wooden bridge 60 cm. long, 1 cm. wide at one end, and 1/2 cm. at the other, and supported it at a height of 30 cm. above the ground by posts at the ends. On this bridge ten dancers were tested. Some attempted to move sidewise, others began to whirl and fell to the ground; only one of the ten succeeded in getting all the way across the bridge on the first trial. The second time he was tested this individual crossed the bridge and found the post; and the third time he crossed the bridge and climbed down the post directly. The others did not succeed in descending the post even after having crossed the bridge safely, but, instead, finally fell to the floor from awkwardness or exhaustion. On the basis of these and other similar observations, Kishi says that the dancer possesses a fair degree of ability to orient and balance itself.
Inasmuch as equilibration occurs similarly in darkness and in daylight, Zoth thinks that there is neither visual dizziness nor fear of heights. But it is doubtful whether he is right concerning fear. There is no doubt in my mind, in view of the way the mice behave when placed on an elevated surface, that they are timid; but this is due probably to the uncomfortable and unusual position rather than to perception of their distance from the ground. That they lack visual dizziness seems fairly well established.
When rotated in a cyclostat[1] the dancer, unlike the common mouse, does not exhibit symptoms of dizziness. The following vivid description of the behavior of both kinds of mice when rotated is given by Alexander and Kreidl (1 p. 548). I have not verified their observations.
[Footnote 1: An apparatus consisting of a glass cylinder with a mechanism for turning it steadily and at different speeds about its vertical axis.]
The common mouse at first runs with increasing rapidity, as the speed of rotation of the cyclostat cylinder is increased, in the direction opposite to that of the cylinder itself. This continues until the speed of rotation has increased to about 60 revolutions per minute. As the rotation becomes still more rapid the mouse begins to crawl along the floor, its body stretched out and clinging to the floor. At a speed of 250 revolutions per minute it lies flat on the floor with its limbs extended obliquely to the movement of rotation, and at times with its back bent against the axis of the cylinder; in this position it makes but few and feeble efforts to crawl forward. When the rotation is suddenly stopped, the animal pulls itself together, remains for some seconds with extended limbs lying on the floor, and then suddenly falls into convulsions and trembles violently. After several attacks of this kind, cramps appear and, despite its resistance, the animal is thrown about, even into the air at times, as if by an external force. This picture of the position assumed during rapid rotation, and of cramps after the cessation of rotation (the typical picture of rotation dizziness), is repeated with great uniformity in the case of the common mouse. Within fifteen minutes after being returned to its cage the animal recovers from the effects of its experience. This description of the symptoms of rotation dizziness in the common mouse applies equally well to the blinded and the seeing animal.
In sharp contrast with the behavior of the common mouse in the cyclostat is that of the dancer. As the cylinder begins to rotate the dancer runs about as usual in circles, zigzags, and figure-eights. As the speed becomes greater it naturally becomes increasingly difficult for the mouse to do this, but it shows neither discomfort nor fear, as does the common mouse. Finally the centrifugal force becomes so great that the animal is thrown against the wall of the cylinder, where it remains quietly without taking the oblique position. When the cyclostat is stopped suddenly, it resumes its dance movements as if nothing unusual had occurred. It exhibits no signs of dizziness, and apparently lacks the exhaustion which is manifest in the case of other kinds of mice after several repetitions of the experiment. The behavior of the blinded dancer is very similar.
If these statements are true, there is no reason to believe that the dancer is capable of turning or rotation dizziness. If it were, its daily life would be rendered very uncomfortable thereby, for its whirling would constantly bring about the condition of dizziness. Apparently, then, the dancer differs radically from most mammals in that it lacks visual and rotational dizziness. In the next chapter we shall have to seek for the structural causes for these facts.
The behavior of the blinded animal is so important in its bearings upon the facts of orientation and equilibration that it must be considered in connection with them. Cyon insists that the sense of vision is of great importance to the dancer in orienting and equilibrating itself. When the eyes are covered with cotton wads fastened by collodion, this writer states (9 p. 223) that the mice behave as do pigeons and frogs whose semicircular canals have been destroyed. They perform violent forced movements, turn somersaults forward and backward, run up inclines and fall over the edges, and roll over and over. In a word, they show precisely the kind of disturbances of behavior which are characteristic of animals whose semicircular canals are not functioning normally. Cyon, however, observed that in certain dancers these peculiarities of behavior did not appear when they were blinded, but that, instead, the animals gave no other indication of being inconvenienced by the lack of sight than do common white mice. This matter of individual differences we shall have to consider more fully later.
No other observer agrees with Cyon in his conclusions concerning vision, or, for that matter, in his statements concerning the behavior of the blind dancer. Alexander and Kreidl (1 p. 550) contrast in the following respects the behavior of the white mouse and that of the dancer when they are blinded. The white mouse runs less securely and avoids obstacles less certainly when deprived of vision. The dancer is much disturbed at first by the shock caused by the removal of its eyes, or in case they are covered, by the presence of the unusual obstruction. It soon recovers sufficiently to become active, but it staggers, swerves often from side to side, and frequently falls over. It moves clumsily and more slowly than usual. Later these early indications of blindness may wholly disappear, and only a slightly impaired ability to avoid obstacles remains.
It was noted by Kishi (21 p. 484), that the dancer when first blinded trembles violently, jumps about wildly, and rolls over repeatedly, as Cyon has stated; but Kishi believes that these disturbances of behavior are temporary effects of the strong stimulation of certain reflex centers in the nervous system. After having been blinded for only a few minutes the dancers observed by him became fairly normal in their behavior. They moved about somewhat more slowly than usually, especially when in a position which required accurately coordinated movements. He therefore fully agrees with Alexander and Kreidl in their conclusion that vision is not so important for the guidance of the movements of the dancer as Cyon believes.
In summing up the results of his investigation of this subject Zoth well says (31 p. 168), "the orientation of the positions of the body with respect to the horizontal and vertical planes seems to take place without the assistance of the sense of sight." And, as I have already stated, this excellent observer insists that the ability of the dancer to place its body in a particular position (orientation), and its ability to maintain its normal relations to its surroundings (equilibration) are excellent in darkness and in daylight, provided only the substratum be not too smooth for it to gain a foothold.
It must be admitted that the contradictions which exist in the several accounts of the behavior of the dancer are too numerous and too serious to be explained on the basis of careless observation. Only the assumption of striking individual differences among dancers or of the existence of two or more varieties of the animal suffices to account for the discrepancies. That there are individual or variety differences is rendered practically certain by the fact that Cyon himself worked with two groups of dancers whose peculiarities he has described in detail, both as to structure and behavior.
In the case of the first group, which consisted of three individuals, the snout was more rounded than in the four individuals of the second group, and there were present on the head three large tufts of bristly black hair which gave the mice a very comical appearance. The animals of the second group resembled more closely in appearance the common albino mouse. They possessed the same pointed snout and long body, and only the presence of black spots on the head and hips rendered them visibly different from the albino mouse.
In behavior the individuals of these two groups differed strikingly. Those of the first group danced frequently, violently, and in a variety of ways; they seldom climbed on a vertical surface and when forced to move on an incline they usually descended by sliding down backwards or sidewise instead of turning around and coming down head first; they gave no signs whatever of hearing sounds. Those of the second group, on the contrary, danced very moderately and in few ways; they climbed the vertical walls of their cage readily and willingly, and when descending from a height they usually turned around and came down head first; two of the four evidently heard certain sounds very well. No wonder that Cyon suggests the possibility of a different origin! It seems not improbable that the individuals of the second group were of mixed blood, possibly the result of crosses with common mice.
As I shall hope to make clear in a subsequent discussion of the dancer's peculiarities of behavior, in a chapter on individual differences, there is no sufficient reason for doubting the general truth of Cyon's description, although there is abundant evidence of his inaccuracy in details. If, for the present, we accept without further evidence the statement that there is more than one variety of dancer, we shall be able to account for many of the apparent inaccuracies of description which are to be found in the literature on the animal.
As a result of the examination of the facts which this chapter presents we have discovered at least six important peculiarities of behavior of the dancer which demand an explanation in terms of structure. These are: (1) the dance movements—whirling, circling, figure-eights, zigzags; (2) restlessness and the quick, jerky movements of the head; (3) lack of responsiveness to sounds; (4) more or less pronounced deficiency in orientational and equilibrational power; (5) lack of visual dizziness; (6) lack of rotational dizziness.
Naturally enough, biologists from the first appearance of the dancing mouse in Europe have been deeply interested in what we usually speak of as the causes of these peculiarities of behavior. As a result, the structure of those portions of the body which are supposed to have to do with the control of movement, with the phenomena of dizziness, and with the ability to respond to sounds, have been studied thoroughly. In the next chapter we shall examine such facts of structure as have been discovered and attempt to correlate them with the facts of behavior.